Despite the flattening potential of information and communiction techno-logies (ICT) and decreasing transport costs, the world, however, remains a 'spiky' place as the aformentioned flows are not initiated by, or directed to, cities in the same way, such that it is only some cities, or city-regions respectively, which can be charcterised as 'outstanding' in this respect. In other words, many differences exist in how deeply cities are embedded in these transnational flows. Indeed cities form 'urban systems' in relation to their specific labour divisions and historical path-depedencies.
These systems have been re-configurated over time, a process precipitated by geo-economic and geo-political changes as well as by the emergence of urban specialisation, such that new relations have emerged, while others have disappeared while new labour divisions and patterns of territorial competition, and hierarchies have arisen.
Such processes, of course, have not affected all cities or city-regions in the same way, one can thus observe a kind of ongoing transformation and differen-tiation in the functional urban landscape. This is particularly so as regards international competition in respect of first-class technological, institutional, social and cultural infrastructures, as well as to attract creative human resources and firms, all of which have helped to change our perception of city-regions: from sub-national, bounded areas to nodes inserted into global networks and finally to 'regional motors of the global economy'.
We need to realise that, from a territorial point of view, the international integration of Norden into global networks is mainly secured through the maintenance and development of critical urban functions (such as gateway, decision, control, service and innovative functions). All of which are to be found primarily in metropolitan areas such as Helsinki, Stockholm, Oslo and Copenhagen.
Obviously, however, the sheer size (e.g. in terms of population, labour force or Gross Domestic Product) of those city-regions does not necessarily matter. Especially in Norden, but also in many other parts in Europe, small and medium-sized cities and towns (SMESTOs), or to be more precise, the businesses which are located in them, have been quite successful in recent years despite ongoing glo-balisation.
Apparently they have developed a strong capacity for adaptation to external economic changes, as they have managed to overcome their relative weakness in respect of first-class technological, institutional, social and cultural infrastructures as well as, partly in view of their range, the variety and specialism of their urban services.
At the macro-regional level, one can even say that the good economic performance of Norden as a whole shows that geographical peripherality does not imply economic laggardness, despite the bipolar Pentagon-periphery vision, which continues to dominate corresponding discourses on European territorial development.
Wider spatial functional areas
Since the 1980s, a re-composition of city-regions' physical urban form has been increasingly debated among academics and urban and regional planners. The monocentric-like model in which central city locations are considered as the sole functional focal point for all types of social and economic activities is no longer seen as the norm in the context of evolving spatial patterns across urban Europe, North America and increasingly now in Asia.
Central city locations are increasingly becoming components of a wider spatial functional entity which comprises headquarters complexes, back offices, airport cities, logistics management, different kinds of housing areas and entertainment facilities. In that sense cities seem to integrate more and more with their hinterlands to form multi-centred, functional city-regions.
Their robustness does not necessarily stem from morphological overlaps, but rather from the economic complement-arities between a number of neighbor-hood cities and towns, from which they draw enormous economic strength. Thus the role of cities is embedded in a wider, i.e. polycentric context of the organi-sation of socio-economic activities.
Still scratching the surface!
Apart from these rather theoretical reflections, one has to point out that our current empirical and thus evidence-based knowledge is still grounded in some rather insufficiantly harmonised databases and in individual qualitative case-studies.
Based on a recent study undertaken by Nordregio and NIBR on Nordic urban research practices and infrastructure, one can indeed argue that Nordic urban research seems to offer promising precondictions to fully explore and under-stand those issues mentioned above, but one has to point out that our current knowledge of cities and their specific functional profiles remains rather sparse. This is particularly the case, moreover, in respect of those urban functions which are crucial to international competitiveness.
The following issues demand greater attention in the context of future Nordic urban research related to those specific issues as sketched above. Besides making use of inputs and comparisons with other countries and regions with similar challenges and basic conditions, they might also imply some specific 'added-value' in respect of intra-Nordic com-parisons.
The connectivity of cities
In principle, a better understanding of the uneven and multifaceted nature of Nordic urban geography is required. Initially, there is a need to construct better databases, which should specifically include relational data to measure the connectivity and links within urban systems at different spatial scales (global, European, Nordic, national and regional) in order to create a better base of knowledge on the ongoing structural changes in the Nordic urban landscape.
It is crucial here to get to know more about the networks and relations of (knowledge-based) firms and other kinds of organisations as we do not yet have a clear picture, for instance, of how the Stockholm region is actually connected through its firms (i.e. through their business activities) with other Swedish, Nordic or European city-regions, and beyond.
This would enable us to develop policy-relevant knowledge on the connectivity, position and function of Nordic cities at different spatial levels: What role does the transport infrastructure play in this respect? What kinds of potentials can be found within Nordic metropolitan regions to establish strategic networks in order to form the 'critical mass' necessary to become an international competitor of global importance? How can this potential be mobilised? As such then it is, of course, also crucial to generate more knowledge on the processes behind such structural changes. This calls for a deeper institutional understanding of the scope, relations and impact of the current regulative systems (i.e. governance and planning).
Functional networking
From a functional networking perspec-tive, Nordic urban research should focus more on how to foster the global integration of the Nordic urban systems and on how to improve their competitive position. As such, it is crucial to identify specific functional niches and to develop them as competitive assets for European/global markets.
Strategic urban networks might act as a key concept here to complement different urban profiles in a more synergistic manner and thus contribute more effectively to balanced spatial development within the Nordic Countries. The potential for such a functional understanding of the concept of polycentricity has to be explored further.
SMESTOs the backbone
In view of sustaining socio-economic cohesion and optimising the provision of amenities across the Nordic countries, the role of small and medium-sized cities and towns, SMESTOs, is obviously crucial in minimising uneven territorial develop-ment. Therefore a much more thorough understanding of their structural differences, their specific individual development paths and thus of their challenges and vulnerabilities is needed in order to inform Nordic policy-makers of the strategic assets and potentials to be activated.
Due to the existence of many obvious similarities when comparing the national urban systems of the Nordic countries in general and the geographical setting of SMESTOs in particular, fruitful con-clusions could be derived from further comparative analysis.
Enhancing institutional capacity
With regard to the potential for developing strategic Nordic urban networks, the question of how these cities can relate to each other in a (more) synergistic manner has to be analysed. Synergies are generated through the development of organising capacities and the related cooperative spirit and through a search for complementarities, i.e. by the activation of distinct economic profiles of cities, urban facilities or business milieus through strategic co-operation.
Therefore, institutional capacities have to be explored in order to formulate recommendations for tailor-made modes of governance and institutional designs which will help to make better use of such synergies such that a loose bunch or cluster of cities becomes more than the sum of its parts. As such, a better understanding is required of what kinds of policies and public interventions might favour a more synergistic polycentric urban development. What kinds of concepts for the enhancement of such urban networks are currently framing/dominating the various discourses at different spatial scales in other countries? What lessons can be learned from them?
Further reading (also regarding other subjects and fields of future Nordic urban research):
Nordregio and NIBR (2007): Urban Development: Nordic strengths and challenges under the heading of a new global agenda. Nordforsk Policy Briefs 2007-3, Copenhagen.
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